On April 17–19, the Antalya Diplomacy Forum was held in Belek, southern Turkey. The event brought together 23 heads of state and government, 13 vice presidents and deputy prime ministers, and 50 ministers—primarily foreign ministers—representing more than 150 countries and 75 international organizations. This year’s event was held under the theme “Mapping Tomorrow, Managing Uncertainties.”
Ukraine was represented by Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrii Sybiha. In an interview with Ukrinform, he outlined the key outcomes of the forum, discussed the strengthening of Ukraine’s global standing, particularly in the Middle East and the Global South, addressed current geopolitical challenges, highlighted the development of strategic bilateral relations with Turkey, and assessed the prospects of bringing the negotiation process back to that country.
UKRAINE STEPS UP A PROACTIVE, FORWARD-LOOKING ROLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Q: Minister, your participation in the Antalya Diplomacy Forum is coming to an end. You mentioned a shift in how Ukraine is positioned on this platform. What does this change entail?
A: Ukraine is clearly being perceived differently now. Our positioning has evolved—we have become a far more active and self-determined player. This time, I received an unprecedented number of requests for meetings and proposals to establish cooperation from partners who previously did not have Ukraine on their radar at all.
This is a recognition of our capabilities and a direct result of the proactive policy we are pursuing. Despite the challenges our country faces, we continue to demonstrate both the will and the capacity to expand our presence across key regions, particularly in the Middle East.
We are increasingly seen as a contributor to security—and this is highly valued.
In regions such as Turkey and the Middle East, strength commands respect. Compared to last year’s Antalya Forum, Ukraine has clearly grown stronger—and this is widely recognized.
For me, as the foreign minister of a country at war, this creates opportunities to build and expand partnerships. I cannot recall receiving such a volume of meeting requests on any multilateral platform. In fact, there is now a degree of competition for Ukraine’s attention and for the opportunities that cooperation with us offers.
Ukraine is becoming an increasingly attractive partner, enabling mutually beneficial cooperation—and this, in turn, strengthens our country.
Q: How do these shifts in Ukraine’s international posture influence its strategic actions, particularly in the Middle East?
A: The recent historic visit by President Zelensky was aimed at decisively strengthening Ukraine’s position in the region, establishing a new strategic presence, and expanding cooperation. At the same time, it was intended to prevent Russia from capitalizing on rising oil prices, from leveraging the situation to ease sanctions, and from diverting global media attention.
Although some of this shift in attention has occurred, forums such as the Antalya Diplomacy Forum help keep Ukraine firmly in focus. They also help ensure that pledged weapons are delivered to Ukraine in full and on schedule.
Any escalation or prolonged instability in the Middle East has direct security implications for Ukraine. That is why we are engaged there—proactively and ahead of developments. This engagement will have long-term benefits for our defense capabilities; it will strengthen them.
We are also gaining valuable combat experience. All of this must be translated into concrete outcomes for our country. This is the task set by the President of Ukraine, and it is what we are working toward every day—often in highly competitive conditions. Because, in many instances, it requires active effort and persistence. I can assure you that not all actors welcome Ukraine’s increasingly active role in the region, including our presence and the conclusion of long-term agreements.
UKRAINE LEVERAGES BATTLEFIELD TESTING AS A STRATEGIC DEFENSE ADVANTAGE
Q: You opened this year’s Antalya Forum with a public discussion, outlining the situation on the front line, presenting Ukraine’s key messages on ending the war, and countering Russian propaganda narratives aimed at global audiences, including in Turkey. You also highlighted Turkey’s success in developing its defense industry, where 80% of production is domestically generated. Do you believe Ukraine can reach a similar level, drawing on Turkey’s experience?
A: This is undoubtedly a benchmark we must aim for. We already meet more than 40% of our military’s needs domestically. However, if we aspire to be a strong and resilient state—and to eliminate dependence on critical supplies—we must significantly scale up our capabilities.
This is the task set by the President of Ukraine: maximum scaling. It is about agency and strong positioning in the external dimension. Internally, it serves as both a trigger and a driver of economic growth.
The defense sector consistently pulls other industries forward—it has a powerful multiplier effect. Many countries have built successful economic models on the foundation of a robust defense industry. Ukraine will follow this path.
At the same time, we have drawn clear lessons from Russia’s aggression—particularly the risks of dependency and delays in critical supplies. This cannot be allowed to happen again. Greater self-sufficiency is essential, especially in key categories of weaponry: air defense systems, artillery ammunition, propellants, and explosives.
Ukraine must become more self-reliant. We have the institutional base, the expertise, and the capacity to achieve this. Already, we are producing a significant share domestically. More than 200 companies are now manufacturing various types of drones. This is a genuine surge—one that also drives competition and innovation.
Crucially, these companies are able to test their products directly on the battlefield. Our partners understand that this translates into proven, high-quality solutions. This is a distinct geopolitical advantage for Ukraine.
Q: Not only weapons manufacturers, but also leading defense industry players—both in Turkey and elsewhere—highlight Ukraine’s unique ability to test new technologies in real combat environments.
A: Indeed, I have consistently emphasized that this combat experience, these advanced technologies, and the ability to sustain such processes even in wartime—including the development of integrated air defense systems—significantly enhance Ukraine’s standing on the global and regional geopolitical map.
They position us as a contributor to security and an essential partner for many countries. This is the reality we operate in today—and it must be scaled further. At the same time, all these efforts must primarily strengthen our defense sector and serve Ukraine’s national interests.
TURKEY’S ROLE AS A STRATEGIC PARTNER CONTINUES TO GROW
Q: Turkey holds a special place in your diplomatic career. The initiatives launched during your tenure include the supply of Bayraktar drones, the construction of frigates for Ukraine, securing the Tomos, launching direct flights from Turkish cities—particularly Ankara—and building a new embassy. This year, Easter services were held near the chapel whose foundation you laid. You have helped establish a strong foundation for a strategic partnership with Turkey. Which areas of cooperation are most relevant today?
A: Turkey undoubtedly occupies a special place in our diplomatic relations—as a strategic partner of Ukraine and as a Black Sea neighbor. We face shared challenges in the region.
I am convinced that, together with Turkey, Ukraine is uniquely positioned to balance the dominance of Russia’s naval presence in the Black Sea.
Turkey is a NATO member and possesses one of the strongest armed forces in the world. Today, Ukraine likewise ranks among the strongest militaries—not only in Europe. This creates a solid foundation for genuinely close cooperation.
Importantly, our countries are not competitors—they are complementary, including in the defense sector. In certain areas, Ukraine holds advanced positions; in others, cooperation with and support from Turkey are essential. In all cases, this is a mutually beneficial partnership—grounded not only in a dynamic present but also in substantial future potential.
I strongly support the development of alliance-based cooperation with Turkey, given its regional role and Ukraine’s growing strategic weight.
This also enables the launch of new formats of engagement, such as the trilateral Ukraine–Turkey–Syria framework.
UKRAINE EYES TURKEY AS HOST FOR ZELENSKY–PUTIN MEETING WITH ERDOĞAN AND TRUMP
Q: Turkey has previously offered—and continues to offer—a platform for peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia. There are suggestions that the process may shift to Istanbul. Do you see this as a realistic prospect?
A: I would not characterize this as a “shift.” Rather, it reflects Turkey’s legitimate and well-established role, given its ability to deliver genuinely unique diplomatic outcomes. This is not a courtesy remark—I served here as ambassador and have firsthand knowledge of how Turkish diplomacy operates, both formally and behind the scenes. It is highly effective.
This potential should be recognized and leveraged, particularly as Turkey also has a vested interest in ending Russian aggression.
We have approached Turkey to explore the possibility of organizing a meeting between President Zelensky and President Putin, with the potential participation of Presidents Erdoğan and Trump. Ukraine is ready for such a meeting. The only obstacle at present is that Putin is avoiding it.
We are committed to ending this war and have concrete, actionable proposals.
We look to Turkey to play a meaningful role in accelerating the peace process.
THE MIDDLE EAST, THE GLOBAL SOUTH, AND TURKEY: KEY TRACKS AFTER THE ANTALYA FORUM
Q: What are the three main takeaways and priority areas following your participation in the Antalya Forum?
A: First and foremost, it is about strengthening Ukraine’s strategic presence in this region, particularly in the Middle East. President Zelensky’s visit has opened new opportunities and expanded our room for engagement.
This is also directly linked to our energy security, as many countries in the region are rich in energy resources. At the same time, it is about broad-based, mutually beneficial cooperation—not only in the security domain, but also economically and financially. From a long-term perspective, this lays the groundwork for comprehensive partnerships.
This strategic presence must now be consolidated and reinforced. That is the first track.
The second track is bilateral engagement—particularly with the Global South, and especially Africa. This direction has clearly been underestimated, both in Ukraine and across the African continent. There remains an incomplete understanding of Ukraine’s potential.
Significant work lies ahead to consolidate this new positioning—our stronger, more assertive role—and to translate it into tangible outcomes.
As for a third direction, it is closely linked to the first two: converting diplomatic engagement—meetings, contacts, and initiatives—into concrete gains for Ukraine, for our country, our front line, and our armed forces.
Q: What areas of cooperation are of particular interest to Ukraine on the African continent?
A: These include agriculture, opening African markets to Ukrainian products, as well as cooperation in IT, healthcare, education, and security. Some countries also possess critical resources essential for Ukraine’s industry and economy.
All of this was discussed in detail. At the Antalya Forum, I held more than ten meetings with African counterparts, and in each case we identified clear potential for cooperation. I am confident that this engagement will continue to expand.
With each of my African colleagues, I also raised the issue of Russia recruiting mercenaries on the continent.
Q: What has been their response?
A: They are outraged. We are exploring ways to stop this recruitment, recognizing that different approaches are required. Our partners are grateful to Ukraine for its efforts to counter Russia’s use of Africans in so-called “meat-grinder assaults.”
We have intelligence confirming that more than 300 foreign nationals— including individuals from African countries—who fought on Russia’s side are currently in our custody. Facing heavy battlefield losses, Russia is attempting to compensate through expanded recruitment.
This issue was therefore a key topic in my discussions with African counterparts.
Q: The Middle East and Africa—what is the third track following your participation in the Antalya Forum?
A: The third track is clearly focused on bilateral relations with Turkey. This includes energy cooperation, security engagement, and trade. Bilateral trade is steadily increasing—by nearly 40% in 2025 compared to the previous year.
I am convinced there remains substantial untapped potential that we must continue to develop.
Q: During your tenure, one of your guiding principles was: “More Ukraine in Turkey—more Turkey in Ukraine.” You have now expanded this concept globally: more Ukraine in the world, and more of the world for Ukraine.
A: If we look across all three tracks, they share a common objective: ensuring that Ukraine remains in focus.
There must be more Ukraine—a Ukraine that is clearly understood, thoughtfully engaged with, and recognized for what it is: a country whose role and weight were previously underestimated.
There must also be a deeper understanding of just how significant the role of our country—and our people—truly is.
Olha Budnyk led this conversation. Antalya
Photos via Author and the Antalya Diplomacy Forum