BEFORE MAIDAN I DID NOT THINK OF CALLING MYSELF A UKRAINIAN

Q: What links you to Ukraine?

A: I was born in Kyiv in 1977. My parents emigrated in 1978 when I was nine months old. My mother is from an old Kyiv family, and their apartment was located opposite the building of the Opera House in pre-revolutionary times. My grandfather on my father's line is from Odesa, and his mother is from Kharkiv- he was born in Saratov. My grandfather on my father's side worked as a journalist in Chernivtsi, my father was raised there and studied at Chernivtsi university.

Q: So you are three-quarters Ukrainian, but they write about you as a British journalist with Russian roots...

A: Before the Maidan I did not think of calling myself a Ukrainian. The national Ukrainian idea was mainly the language idea. My family always spoke Russian. I had great sympathy for the Ukrainian national project. However, as I knew it, it has always articulated itself in such an ideology of the 19th century - language, land, blood. I respect that, but this was absolutely not part of me.

After the Maidan, potential opened for a different idea of Ukrainian values, a different type of Ukrainians. Now a man like me can be one of them. But before that the Ukrainian idea was completely not cosmopolitan.

Q: So now you are more mentally and spiritually linked to Ukraine?

A: The word "mentality" or "spirituality" for me is from the Russian vocabulary. These concepts are too far for me.

A CHOICE OF IDENTITY AS A CHOICE OF LIFESTYLE

Q: Who do you feel more? A man of the world?

A: I write a lot about these issues...

Q: Is your book "Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible," which has recently been published in the United States, also about that?

A: Yes. Very strongly. It mainly touches upon modern Russia, but through the entire book there is a subject of identity in the 21st century, in the space of postmodernism. And there is a search for what this can be like. Not even about me, but about my daughter, who is partly Ukrainian, partly Russian and partly British. And all these identities are no longer important to her.

Q: What is important?

A: She [my daughter] grew up without borders - in five countries, with many passports. It seems to that her nationality will not worry her, it will be in the 19th place. Perhaps, there will be no paradigm of identity at all, but there will be a choice of nationality as a choice of lifestyle.

Perhaps, she will be taken by the revanchism of the 19th century, which Russia is now trying to impose - "I feel my Russian spirituality." I very much hope that this won't happen. But the book ends with this thought - what she will feel...

CRIMEA'S ANNEXATION FOR KREMLIN WAS A WAR AGAINST AMERICANS

Q: I read that you rewrote the last chapter due to the situation with Crimea this year. Do you touch upon the subject of Ukraine in your book?

A: I almost don't touch upon it. It's about how I worked in Russia on television. I touch upon the moment when Ukraine becomes part of this Russian television horror. Through television I consider the subject of Russian ideology.

Q: As for the question of Crimea that can be called decisive for Ukrainians in shaping an idea about foreign politicians and intellectuals, of course, primarily those from Russia. Especially after statements made by opposition members Khodorkovsky and Navalny that in the case of their presidency they will not give Crimea away to Ukraine. So, in your opinion, did Russia have any right to annex Crimea?

A: What a question? No, it's a gross violation of all treaties and rules... It's obvious. I have never heard [people in Russia] saying that it was in accordance with some legal norms. I heard such arguments: "This is wrong, but all are doing wrong things. Americans did the same, we are a big country so we can do that. They also say: "They are fighting against us [Russia]. They [the United States] staged the Maidan, and we staged the Crimea. We showed Americans." I have never heard that it was an internal project. The idea of injustice in the world, chaos is being promoted. They say: "Then better us [Russia] than them [the United States]."

THERE IS HIDDEN "RACISM" IN THE WEST TOWARD UKRAINE

Q: You made quite sharp estimates that Ukraine is a "blank spot" for the West...

A: It's worse than just a "blank spot." What I see is covert racism toward Ukrainians.

Q: Covert racism?

A: Well, the so-called quiet racism, non-aggressive. But it's definitely present in culture. It's very visible in literature - in the fiction books written over the past ten years. There was even an analysis of how the Ukrainians are represented in Hollywood movies - more like "bandits," "prostitutes," "anti-Semites." Remember a BBC program before Euro 2012 at which they said how dangerous it was for dark-skinned footballers to come to Ukraine for the European championship.

In Western culture, there is always a role for subaltern people (people with a lower status in society). And Eastern Europeans, including Ukrainians, currently occupy this place. In the West, it is impossible to show such an attitude to dark-skinned people, Jews, and gays. This situation was used by Russia in its propaganda against Ukraine.

Q: Do you think that the huge amount of funds spent by Moscow on propaganda can change the West's perception of Russia? May, for example, the British change their opinion of Russia due to the broadcasting of Russia Today programs?

A: There's a little research, I find it difficult to talk about it from a scientific point of view. What I see is that Russia Today mainly operates as a red herring, a provocateur, but Russia's influence on Britain comes from a different direction. The real problem in Britain with the advent of Russia is through financial markets, through the purchased elites. They support an ideology that Britain should engage in international business, then why it should have any problems because of Ukraine.

FOR ORDINARY BRITONS RUSSIAN AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE IS SIMPLY A WAR BETWEEN THE SLAVS

Q: Does not Britain feel that Russia is trying to split Europe?

A: Splitting Europe? Well, with pleasure, Britain is itself trying to split Europe.

And the conflict between Ukraine and Russia does not affect ordinary Britons. It is seen as a problem, which is very, very far away, some Slavs are fighting each other. It affects them when the head is cut off of a Briton in the Middle East.

The West understands some simple things - Putin is terrible, behaves like a thug, grabs whatever he wants, and lies. But many political things, as I see, are not on the public agenda at all.

Q: Can you provide some ways how Ukraine can attract more attention of the Western society, especially amid the lack of funds for a powerful international broadcasting project?

A: Much is already being done. You can use the intellectual elite who sympathize with Ukraine, understand Ukraine, and people who are respected and listened to in the West. Timothy Snyder has become almost the main voice of Ukrainian identity in the world. You can use the stars, bring journalists to Ukraine and show such simple point operations that should be conducted actively.

RUSSIA'S CONSPIRACY NONSENSE IS ALREADY EVERYWHERE

Q: Do you have any idea how the conflict between Kyiv and Moscow will develop further?

A: No, I no longer imagine a decision-making system in Russia. Earlier, it was understandable. I don't understand the motivation.

Q: When did you stop understanding it?

A: When all rational people quit the system, when they stopped listening to analytical centers. I don't remember the exact moment. Earlier, there were a lot of lies, including in the media. But, for example, they talked to me in a different way. One conversation was public, and another was private. It was cynical, but understandable. At some point, people who did not previously talk conspiracy nonsense began to talk it. Now it's not clear who to talk to.

Q: What can stop Putin?

A: Ukraine... I don't know. I'm not evading your question, I really don't know.