Expectations of a major prisoner exchange around Easter, continued strikes on Russian infrastructure, and efforts to overcome the political crisis in parliament—these and other issues were addressed by Lieutenant General Kyrylo Budanov, Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, in a joint interview with Ukrinform and Novyny.LIVE.

He also spoke about why drones cannot replace infantry, how the war in the Middle East is indirectly benefiting the aggressor, and whether a meeting between Volodymyr Zelensky and Vladimir Putin is possible to bring the war to a definitive close.

UKRAINE AWAITS U.S. DELEGATION VISIT IN THE COMING WEEKS

Halyna Ostapovets:

– Most of the key questions for you concern the negotiation process. You previously said it is ongoing and not frozen. At what stage is it now?

– In essence, you’ve answered your own question: the process is ongoing and not frozen. It will continue. We are expecting the arrival of an American delegation—this was also officially announced today by the President of Ukraine during the formal part of the event. We remain cautiously optimistic.

Tetiana Kohutych:

– The President said at the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities that members of the U.S. delegation involved in the negotiations will likely arrive after Easter. That’s a rather vague timeframe. Could you clarify it?

– Yes, approximately a week after Easter, give or take. That’s not a long time.

H.O.: It’s clear there are contacts with the Americans, but are there currently any contacts with the Russians?

– Yes, there are.

H.O.: What are they about?

– The issues we are dealing with. At the same time, we are all hoping for an exchange in the near future, so that is part of the discussion as well. Exchanges do not happen on their own—they must be arranged.

PRISONER SWAP ANTICIPATED AROUND EASTER

T.K.: Easter is also a time when Ukrainians hope for positive news regarding the exchange of prisoners of war held in Russia. We understand that such exchanges are never announced in advance, but should we expect good news during the holiday?

– We hope so. It could happen a day before or a day after—but it is reasonable to expect it. We are all waiting for it.

T.K.: Kyrylo Oleksandrovych, as a member of the negotiation group, do you believe there is a chance that talks could resume in a trilateral format?

– Yes.

T.K.: How significant is that chance?

– You understand that no final outcome—positive or negative—can be reached without a personal meeting between the leaders. The Russians understand this as well. Believe me, it will happen sooner or later.

T.K.: You mean a meeting between Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin?

– Ultimately, it is the leaders who must put the final full stop. Let us hope for that.

RUSSIA IN NO POSITION TO PROTEST UKRAINE’S DEEP STRIKES

H.O.: Our deep strikes are carried out daily—we continue to hit Russian infrastructure. How does this affect the dynamics of the negotiation process? Do the Russians complain that these strikes are excessive and prevent them from signing a peace agreement?

– No, they do not complain. They simply cannot afford to—it would mean admitting weakness. However, the impact is real. In their internal reporting, they consistently highlight this as a problem. Just as their strikes pose a problem for us.

T.K.: Another issue concerns separate negotiations over the €90 billion tranche we are all awaiting, which is currently blocked. What stage is that process at?

– This involves negotiations with multiple actors, not just Hungary. That is all I can say for now—the process is ongoing. It is an extremely complex and difficult issue, but I believe a solution will be found. It may not be easy—but it will be found.

T.K.: Can you give any indication of the direction this difficult solution might take?

– Not while negotiations are ongoing. Doing so would risk undermining the process.

T.K.: Understood. Still, regarding this process—and our neighbors who are blocking the allocation of funds—is there a way to counter this? And who should play the leading role: our European partners or Ukraine itself?

– I’ll give you my subjective view: our problems are, first and foremost, our own. If we do not address them ourselves, I have little confidence that anyone else will do it for us.

MIDDLE EAST WAR PLAYS TO RUSSIA’S ADVANTAGE

H.O.: How has the war in the Middle East affected Russia’s ability to continue its war against Ukraine?

– To some extent, it has worked in their favor—you understand why. Primarily due to the sharp rise in oil prices. Certain of their legal entities, so to speak, have effectively slipped out from under sanctions, which has boosted their confidence. Overall, the price surge is a major advantage for them. Our strikes on their refineries, unfortunately, cannot offset the scale of that increase. However, they do have a tangible impact on Russia’s oil and gas sector.

H.O.: And we are not going to stop those strikes, as you said…

– …We cannot afford to stop them while the war continues.

DRONES AREN’T ENOUGH TO WIN THE WAR

H.O.: Russia continues to suffer heavy monthly personnel losses; we are approaching 30–35,000. Our strategic target is 50,000—how far are we from that?

– You’ve already stated the figure.

H.O.: What do we need to reach that target—more drones?

– I’m not a proponent of the idea that drones will fight this war for us. Wars are not won without people. Without people, wars are lost—that does happen. But winning a war without people—that simply does not happen.

T.K.: On the issue of people and war: just yesterday, reports emerged from Zakarpattia about a serviceman being assaulted. Similar incidents were reported in other regions days earlier—and in the weeks before that. This is a troubling trend for a country that, as you’ve said, depends on unity to endure the war. How do you assess this?

– That is precisely why I spoke today at that meeting (prior to this interview, General Budanov met with clergy in Zakarpattia – ed.) about unity. As for this issue: first, human stupidity has no limits and never will; second, there are real problems—societal, even psychological ones.

On the one hand, everyone says we must fight until victory. On the other, many avoid mobilization. And both realities coexist. This is a serious—fundamental—problem.

At the same time, it is important to remember that when someone evades mobilization—yes, they may justify it to themselves in various ways—but there is a very real human issue that must not be overlooked. These are our men on the front line, and they need to be replaced by someone. And they certainly do not understand why that is not happening.

And this will become another major problem when the time comes—when the war ends, they all return, and begin asking their neighbors, face to face, why they never went anywhere. To prevent that, everyone must take a clear civic position and not be afraid to fulfill their duty.

Let’s be honest: not everyone who is mobilized goes into assault units. Some serve in air defense, others in different specialties, in logistics or at depots…

T.K.: In other words, there are options.

– Exactly. There is room for maneuver. But simply avoiding service—and later living with that—wondering what you will say to a neighbor who returns from the front and asks, “Where were you?”… Official explanations matter less. But what will you say to your children? To that neighbor who comes back and asks: “Who are you after this?”

I HAVE WITNESSED UKRAINIAN UNITY THREE TIMES

T.K.: In the first year of the full-scale war, unity was at its peak. Where should we find it now, in the fifth year?

– Within ourselves. As I’ve said, we are currently in a negotiation process and will arrive at some outcome. It may be very good for us, or very bad—but that is not the point. Even the best outcome will fail without unity.

I have reflected on this: I have seen true unity among Ukrainians three times. The first was in 1991, during the collapse of the Soviet Union. It was an enormous challenge, yet unity existed—and it made decisive action possible.

T.K.: And the second time—Maidan?

– The second time was in 2014—Maidan and the events that followed: the start of the war, Crimea, and the fighting in Donbas. There were lines at enlistment offices back then, remember? And the third time was at the beginning of 2022—again, the same pattern. There were no issues with mobilization in the initial phase, because the number of volunteers far exceeded what the army could process.

T.K.: But nearly five years have passed, and that momentum is now fading.

– We are approaching another so-called trigger event that will once again demand unity. And unfortunately, if that unity is not there, it could lead to catastrophe. There have been many cases where we reached such moments—when a trigger event occurred without unity—and it resulted in major problems. I won’t cite specific examples—it would be too grim—but if you look at our recent history, the answers are obvious.

IN UKRAINE, A “HERO” IS BOTH THE SOLDIER AND THE DRAFT DODGER

H.O.: When you speak of “difficult decisions,” do you mean potential agreements on the peace track? Presumably involving territories or other concessions?

– They could concern anything—I won’t comment on specifics. But consider this: even if an objectively strong agreement is reached, there will still be a large number of people claiming that “everything is lost.” That reaction is dangerous. It will increase pressure on the political leadership—and what will be the result? No decision at all. Neither good nor bad. And where does that lead?

To an unfavorable outcome. Because the window of opportunity is not indefinite.

Look at the situation in our society. On the one hand, a hero is someone fighting on the front line, risking their life. People kneel as coffins pass. On the other hand, a “hero” is also someone posting videos about evading the draft or illegally crossing the border—mocking those who stayed. And both are treated as heroes simultaneously. That is a serious distortion. It reflects a deep lack of unity.

T.K.: What can be done about this?

– I am working on it, and many others are as well. But this is not the moment for division—where some align with one side and others with another. There is a President, and the vertical of authority must be maintained and supported.

There will be time later to debate and reassess. But in times of instability, unity is essential.

T.K.: On that vertical: it has been nearly three months since you took office. How do you assess this period? Have you been able to strengthen it?

– I’ll answer with a bit of humor. I recently reviewed a sociological survey on public trust. The Office of the President was always second from the bottom, with the Verkhovna Rada consistently last. Now we’re fourth from the bottom—so we must have done something right (laughs). The Verkhovna Rada, however, remains in last place.

Perhaps my personal rating has had some influence. But we should not forget a key feature of our society: some people support you, others oppose you. I take that calmly—it is normal.

What matters is that the institution is functioning: no scandals, no disruptions, meetings are taking place, decisions are being made…

H.O.: …and the parliamentary crisis has largely been resolved.

– Two weeks ago I said there was no crisis—there was a problem. I told you: “We will overcome it.” Did I lie? No. The decisions we needed have been made. Yes, some may argue they fall short—our international partners might have expected more—but there is a national interest. And we did what was necessary. This will now allow us to secure the funding required for the State to function and avoid cuts to budget programs.

H.O.: How did you manage to achieve that?

– I’m afraid there will be no detailed answer—some things must remain behind the scenes. Over the course of my career, I’ve dealt with a wide range of people. Believe me, our Members of Parliament are angels compared to some of those I’ve had to negotiate with.

SYSTEMATIC DIALOGUE WITH PARLIAMENT TO CONTINUE

T.K.: Mr. Kyrylo, how would you assess the current level of cooperation between the Office and parliament? You said the problem has been resolved, but could you elaborate? At what level is the dialogue now?

– I hope this dialogue will continue on a systematic basis. At our last major meeting, we agreed to hold another one soon.

T.K.: Will these meetings become regular?

– I hope so. What we need is a systematic approach. I believe in systems. You can solve something reactively—but only once. And one-time solutions won’t be enough for us. We need sustained unity. We keep returning to that point.

T.K.: Unity—including within the Verkhovna Rada?

– Unity begins with the individual citizen and extends all the way to the Verkhovna Rada, the Office of the President, the President, ministries, the Cabinet—everything must function in harmony. If we continue to live in a situation where, simultaneously, a hero is both a soldier defending the country and someone evading mobilization, we will not get far.

T.K.: Based on your experience, what would you advise? How can a society facing this kind of split—where “heroes” include both those fighting and those fleeing across the Tysa River—find unity?

– It’s actually quite simple: we need to grow up. Take a step back and look at the situation objectively. What happens if everyone chooses to evade service? Will Ukraine remain on the political map of the world? No—it will not.

There should be no illusions about this. The country would cease to exist—even the name would disappear. And there would be no one left to live here. Many people think it will somehow work itself out—that others will step in and fix things. That is not the case. It will not work out. Everything will be taken.

Tetiana Kohutych, Ukrinform

Halyna Ostapovets, Novyny.LIVE

Photo credit: Zakarpattia Regional Military Administration