Gdańsk Summit: Tusk Welsomes Macron in Solidarity’s Historic Hub
Ukraine in Focus—and Poland’s Gradual Shift Toward France’s Nuclear Umbrella
The Polish–French summit held on April 20 in Gdańsk marked a new phase in bilateral relations, signaling a shift from symbolic partnership to a more substantive strategic alignment. In this evolving framework, issues of European security, support for Ukraine, nuclear deterrence, defense-industrial cooperation, and energy policy have become increasingly interconnected. Ukrinform correspondents in Poland and France examined what Paris and Warsaw seek from one another—and the signals they are sending to Ukraine, Europe, and Russia.
POLISH PREPARATIONS
French President Emmanuel Macron’s visit to Poland was meticulously planned and treated as a top-priority event. Polish media provided live coverage of the French government aircraft arriving in Gdańsk, as well as the passage of the presidential motorcade through the city’s streets—an indication of the exceptional level of public and media attention surrounding the first-ever Polish–French intergovernmental summit. Until now, such coverage had largely been reserved for visits by U.S. leaders.
The visit itself was marked by symbolic gestures and a notably warm tone. In 2025, Macron hosted Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk in Nancy—a city of particular historical significance for Poles due to the legacy of Stanisław Leszczyński, the 18th-century Polish king who spent his later years in eastern France and left a lasting cultural imprint there.
The Poles were keen to reciprocate, making the choice of location particularly important—one that would also carry a distinct French resonance.
WHY THE POLES CHOSE GDAŃSK
Gdańsk proved a natural fit. The city is home to a French military cemetery where around 1,500 soldiers from various eras are buried, spanning from the Napoleonic wars to the two World Wars of the 20th century. Established in its current form in the 20th century on the site of an earlier Napoleonic-era burial ground, it was rebuilt ahead of French President Charles de Gaulle’s visit to Poland in 1967. At that time, the remains of French soldiers who had fallen in conflicts over the previous three centuries were reinterred there. The cemetery was later visited by another French leader, François Mitterrand.
It was at this memorial that Emmanuel Macron began his one-day visit to Poland—a program that combined political talks with a strong cultural dimension.
Macron was accompanied by ministers and deputy ministers responsible for foreign affairs, defense, energy, and culture, signaling the breadth and substance of the Gdańsk agenda.
The host of the meeting was Donald Tusk, for whom Gdańsk is more than a venue—it is his hometown. When an occasion calls for warmth, symbolism, or personal significance, Gdańsk is often the setting. It is therefore unlikely to be coincidental that the International Conference on Ukraine’s Recovery is scheduled to take place there in June.
Images of Tusk walking with Macron through crowds in the central streets of the city—synonymous with “Solidarity” and Lech Wałęsa, whom Macron also met—reinforced this atmosphere. Tusk spoke with visible emotion about Gdańsk as the city of his childhood, one his family never left, even during the hardships of war.
The Polish–French summit held on April 20 in Gdańsk marked a new phase in bilateral relations, signaling a shift from symbolic partnership to a more substantive strategic alignment. In this evolving framework, issues of European security, support for Ukraine, nuclear deterrence, defense-industrial cooperation, and energy policy have become increasingly interconnected. Ukrinform correspondents in Poland and France examined what Paris and Warsaw seek from one another—and the signals they are sending to Ukraine, Europe, and Russia.
POLISH PREPARATIONS
French President Emmanuel Macron’s visit to Poland was meticulously planned and treated as a top-priority event. Polish media provided live coverage of the French government aircraft arriving in Gdańsk, as well as the passage of the presidential motorcade through the city’s streets—an indication of the exceptional level of public and media attention surrounding the first-ever Polish–French intergovernmental summit. Until now, such coverage had largely been reserved for visits by U.S. leaders.
The visit itself was marked by symbolic gestures and a notably warm tone. In 2025, Macron hosted Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk in Nancy—a city of particular historical significance for Poles due to the legacy of Stanisław Leszczyński, the 18th-century Polish king who spent his later years in eastern France and left a lasting cultural imprint there.
The Poles were keen to reciprocate, making the choice of location particularly important—one that would also carry a distinct French resonance.
WHY THE POLES CHOSE GDAŃSK
Gdańsk proved a natural fit. The city is home to a French military cemetery where around 1,500 soldiers from various eras are buried, spanning from the Napoleonic wars to the two World Wars of the 20th century. Established in its current form in the 20th century on the site of an earlier Napoleonic-era burial ground, it was rebuilt ahead of French President Charles de Gaulle’s visit to Poland in 1967. At that time, the remains of French soldiers who had fallen in conflicts over the previous three centuries were reinterred there. The cemetery was later visited by another French leader, François Mitterrand.
It was at this memorial that Emmanuel Macron began his one-day visit to Poland—a program that combined political talks with a strong cultural dimension.
Macron was accompanied by ministers and deputy ministers responsible for foreign affairs, defense, energy, and culture, signaling the breadth and substance of the Gdańsk agenda.
The host of the meeting was Donald Tusk, for whom Gdańsk is more than a venue—it is his hometown. When an occasion calls for warmth, symbolism, or personal significance, Gdańsk is often the setting. It is therefore unlikely to be coincidental that the International Conference on Ukraine’s Recovery is scheduled to take place there in June.
Images of Tusk walking with Macron through crowds in the central streets of the city—synonymous with “Solidarity” and Lech Wałęsa, whom Macron also met—reinforced this atmosphere. Tusk spoke with visible emotion about Gdańsk as the city of his childhood, one his family never left, even during the hardships of war.
THE VIEW FROM FRANCE ON THE GDAŃSK VISIT
From Paris’s perspective, the visit carried equal strategic weight. According to Macron’s adviser Alexis Dutertre, it was intended to formalize the shift in Franco-Polish relations from a “good partnership” to what he termed “strategic closeness,” building on last year’s Nancy Treaty.
At the Élysée Palace, particular emphasis was placed on the treaty’s mutual defense clause. The Gdańsk summit was thus designed to translate last year’s political commitments into more concrete outcomes.
Gdańsk itself was framed in symbolic terms as the “cradle of Solidarity and Wałęsa.” Its geography also carried strategic weight: located roughly 150 kilometers from Kaliningrad—Russia’s forward outpost—it sits at a sensitive junction between Poland and the Baltic states.
True to its preference for carefully crafted narratives, French diplomacy even designated April 20 as the “first Day of Franco-Polish Friendship.” More broadly, the visit was embedded in a European context, with the deepening of Polish–French ties presented as a contribution to building a “more sovereign and united Europe.”
MACRON DID NOT MEET WITH NAWROCKI
Notably, Gdańsk—the capital of Poland’s Pomeranian Voivodeship—is not only Donald Tusk’s hometown but also that of President Karol Nawrocki. Yet the Polish head of state was absent from what was otherwise a showcase of Polish-French partnership, despite being, by protocol, Macron’s direct counterpart.
According to the Presidential Palace, Nawrocki had no objection to a meeting but was not invited. His circle placed responsibility squarely on Tusk, while the Polish government countered that the decision rested with Paris.
Formally, however, the arrangement aligns with the 2025 Nancy Treaty, which designates the French president and the Polish prime minister as the principal counterparts in such bilateral summits. Under Poland’s constitutional framework, the prime minister holds broader executive authority than the president.
In any case, this episode remained the only visible point of friction during an otherwise tightly managed summit.
CULTURAL EMPHASIS
The politically dense agenda concluded with an equally deliberate cultural program, including a visit to the European Solidarity Centre and the presentation of the Bronisław Geremek Award for contributions to Polish-French relations.
The inaugural recipient was Andrzej Seweryn—renowned Polish actor, director, and head of the Polish Theatre in Warsaw—who spent nearly three decades in France and built a distinguished career in French cinema. Today, Seweryn is also among the most prominent voices in Poland’s cultural community advocating support for Ukraine.
In France, particular emphasis was placed on sustaining cultural cooperation, with its apex seen in the so-called “Seasons”—a flagship program encompassing extensive exchanges, exhibitions, and festivals. Accordingly, France will host a Polish Season next year, while Poland will host a French one. Notably, France was hosting the Season of Ukraine this year.
The day was also placed under the patronage of Marie Skłodowska-Curie—a figure embodying the deep historical ties between the two nations. Born in Warsaw, she moved to France, where she built her scientific career and became part of the country’s intellectual elite. In 1995, her remains were reinterred in the Panthéon—one of France’s highest national honors—making her the first woman to be enshrined there. She remains a powerful symbolic bridge between Poland and France.
FRANCE’S “NUCLEAR UMBRELLA” FOR POLAND STILL LACKS DEFINITION
Ahead of the summit, Polish media and experts expected discussions to focus on several key areas: security and defense cooperation, economic ties—particularly in the energy sector—and continued support for Ukraine. Particular attention in Poland centered on the prospect of a French “nuclear umbrella” being extended over Poland.
In practice, however, the summit produced no major public declarations on this issue. Tusk confined himself to cautious remarks, noting that Poland is among a select group of countries engaged in talks with France on “nuclear deterrence capabilities,” while stressing that these discussions remain ongoing and largely non-public.
Macron’s comments added limited substantive clarity. “Our teams will meet in the coming weeks. By summer, work will be carried out that will allow us to move forward toward concrete results and the implementation of a partnership in extended deterrence,” he said, adding that joint decisions would need to be taken in the coming months. He also referenced his March 2 “nuclear” speech at Île Longue.
In that address, Macron outlined options for several European partners, including Poland—ranging from joint exercises to the potential deployment of French nuclear-capable aircraft on allied territory. At the same time, Paris continues to frame the nuclear dimension as part of a broader capability package.
“If we are to move forward together in the nuclear domain, it is logical to advance together in air defense, long-range systems, early warning, and also in the space domain, which is critically important,” Macron noted.
FRENCH AMBITIONS IN POLAND’S CIVIL NUCLEAR SECTOR
In Poland, expectations were also high that France would actively promote its capabilities in civilian nuclear energy, particularly in the context of Warsaw’s plans to build nuclear power plants. It is already established that Poland’s first nuclear facility will be constructed by a U.S. consortium, while the second project will be awarded through an international tender.
France is positioning itself as a leading contender for that second plant, viewing the bid as a natural extension of its expertise. With 18 operational nuclear power plants, nuclear energy remains the backbone of France’s domestic energy system. Its state-owned operator, EDF, has extensive experience in designing, building, and operating reactors worldwide.
“We have strong credentials and are offering a fully integrated solution for this tender. Our advantages are clear: economies of scale, industrial capacity, the strength of a European nuclear alliance, and reactor certification by an independent nuclear safety authority. We are capable of building a genuinely European supply chain,” Macron’s advisers emphasized.
For now, however, Warsaw is keeping its options open. Tusk limited himself to stating that Poland would carefully evaluate any forthcoming French proposal.
DEFENSE COOPERATION
In Warsaw, there is a clear expectation that France will also seek progress in securing major defense contracts, following a series of setbacks in the Polish market—from the cancellation of the Caracal helicopter deal in 2016 to last year’s decision to procure submarines from Sweden.
A key enabling factor is Poland’s access to more than €40 billion in EU-backed loans under the SAFE program, earmarked for defense investments.
France itself has secured approximately €15 billion in SAFE funding. As a consistent advocate of greater European strategic autonomy, Paris is keen for Poland to channel its SAFE funds toward the purchase of French-made weapons. However, this objective is framed diplomatically, with French industry representatives emphasizing joint development programs, interoperability, and the strengthening of a common European industrial ecosystem rather than direct sales pitches.
The bilateral defense cooperation plan signed in Gdańsk for 2026–2028 reflects this approach. It includes joint military exercises and the deployment of French Rafale multirole fighter jets to Poland as part of the “Eastern Sentry” mission, following incidents involving Russian drones.
In parallel, the two sides will deepen cooperation in the space domain. Under an agreement involving Poland’s RADMOR and France’s Airbus Defence and Space and Thales Alenia Space, they will jointly develop satellite capabilities, including the production of a geostationary satellite for military use.
UKRAINE IN FOCUS
The emerging Paris–Warsaw alignment represents both a political signal and a strategic investment in Europe’s future. In their joint declaration following the Gdańsk summit, France and Poland formalized a new phase of rapprochement within a broader vision: building a more sovereign, democratic, and cohesive Europe.
Russia was explicitly identified as the “main and long-term threat to the EU and NATO,” citing its militarization, hybrid operations, and ongoing war against Ukraine. Against this backdrop, both countries underscored the need to strengthen deterrence and defense, while sustaining pressure on Moscow through existing and additional sanctions—particularly those targeting energy revenues, the financial system, and the so-called shadow fleet.
At the same time, Paris and Warsaw reaffirmed that support for Ukraine must continue for as long as necessary. They emphasized that the only acceptable outcome of the war is a just and lasting peace grounded in international law, while reiterating their full support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and its European and Euro-Atlantic trajectory.
A UKRAINIAN VOICE OF GRATITUDE AT THE PRESS BRIEFING
The joint press appearance by Donald Tusk and Emmanuel Macron opened on an unexpectedly personal note. Tusk described the most moving moment of the day as hearing a young Ukrainian woman say “thank you,” expressing gratitude to both countries for their support in Ukraine’s defense against Russian aggression.
He used the occasion to stress the importance of preserving European unity—particularly in sustaining assistance to Ukraine—despite an increasingly complex geopolitical environment shaped by the conflict in the Middle East, which he argued indirectly benefits Russia.
Tusk also expressed hope that France would soon contribute to protecting the Jasionka logistics hub near the Polish–Ukrainian border, a critical transit point for military and humanitarian aid. He emphasized Poland’s intention to remain a key logistical backbone for support to Ukraine.
Macron, for his part, highlighted what he views as a major diplomatic achievement in the context of the war—the formation of the “Coalition of the Willing” and its evolving security guarantees.
“We have not done this in decades—bringing together European states that are free, independent, and respectful of one another, within and beyond the European Union. Our British, Norwegian, and Canadian partners are part of this effort, as are partners from the Pacific region. Today, democratic states that believe in the rule of law are choosing to act together and in solidarity,” Macron said—deliberately invoking a term that carries particular historical resonance in Poland.
Yurii Banakhevych (Poland), Lidiya Taran (France)