Marta Kos, EU Commissioner for Enlargement

The European commissioner directly responsible for the enlargement agenda, Marta Kos, is now on a visit to Ukraine in the wake of the big news that the screening process for the Ukrainian legislation has been completed in record terms. Kos has already visited Zakarpattia where she addressed the Council of national minorities, and is meeting top officials in Kyiv on Wednesday to discuss further steps along Ukraine’s EU accession path while European heads of state and government informally meet in Copehnagen where they could potentially discuss the plan reportedly laid down by President of the European Council, Antonio Costa, to ensure that Ukraine moves ahead along the negotiation route even despite Hungary blocking the process.

Marta Kos addressed this – and many other – issues concerting Ukraine’s European integration, touching upon the reforms Kyiv needs to work on, as well as upon the new geopolitical reality, the security of the continent, the latest events in Moldova, and, surprisingly, the analogies between the accession process and the restaurant business.

THERE’S OPTIMISM THAT THE SOLUTION WITH HUNGARY WILL BE FOUND

- You earlier said that the Commission’s position remains unchanged - the first negotiation cluster for Ukraine should be opened because it is a merit-based process and the EU has to deliver. Moreover, all negotiation clusters could be opened as early as this year. But so far, Hungary’s position is firmly against the move. So where do we stand now? Are there more chances that Budapest will be persuaded to recall the veto or are we set to move along the 26-member decision track, the so-called Costa Plan?

- Ukraine has delivered, and Moldova has also delivered. Since you recalled that it is a merit-based principle, there are no obstacles to opening cluster one as soon as possible. This is the position of the European Commission. Now, of course, member states have their say. But I would like to remind you that Hungary has agreed to give your country a candidate status. That's how we have started all this, and I'm sure that we will find the solution for going on very soon.

I'm still optimistic that we could open all the clusters – this year – and that we will find a solution with Hungary.

Especially now, since I have visited Zakarpattia on Monday where I wanted to see how the minorities live, including the Hungarian minority, and I'm sure that they have a lot of rights. I have met two representatives of the Hungarian minority. Nobody was complaining. So this will be also my message when I come back to Brussels.

- I read your speech that you delivered to the Council of National Minorities, and you mentioned that you liked the visit to the two schools – Hungarian and Slovakian – in Zakarpattia. So, would that be part of your message - the language part of the minority question?

- Yes. The minorities are something that enriches us – Ukraine and also Europe as a whole. And if there are any concerns, and there are concerns, from Hungary, which we are taking very seriously, it’s exactly within cluster one where we tackle and discuss all the concerns Hungary has. Because the first cluster is about the Fundamentals, and there is no way that we would accept a country into the EU if it does not protect the minorities. This is the DNA of the European Union, so we just have to find a proper way.

I WILL BE STRICT BUT FAIR

- Yes, and you’re going to be “strict” as you said…

- Yes, I see you have read my speech. Indeed, I said “strict”, but I will also be fair and engaged. There are many reasons why we have to be strict, not just myself, with the Fundamentals. This is what makes us so unique. This how the EU has been established, and this is what differentiates us from many other communities all around the world, where some minorities can't even live a normal life.  

We have special rights for them, and I also spoke in Uzhhorod of the minorities in Slovenia. We have an Italian minority, we have a Hungarian minority. I grew up on the border with Austria, and on the other side, there is a Slovenian minority in Austria. There are many, many good examples.

HAD RUSSIA PREVAILED IN MOLDOVA, THIS WOULD HAVE MADE THE WHOLE REGION INSECURE

- We saw big news from Moldova this Sunday. The true win of the democratic pro-European forces there. Now, there are various opinions among experts whether it is possible or necessary to decouple Ukraine and Moldova’s paths to the EU. Obviously, Ukraine stands for keeping both together, maintaining the regional approach, as the Commission puts it. What is your opinion now given that Moldova’s government might need some push but Ukraine definitely needs to be in the same boat?

- First, about the elections in Moldova. I'm so happy that the result has been that Moldova can go on the pro-European way. Had the results been different, had pro-Russian forces prevailed, this would have really made the whole region insecure. This is basically the southern border of Ukraine, only three hours by car from Chisinau to Odesa. If Russia was to take over, moving Moldova away from the European path, this would affect the security in Ukraine, the region, and also in the whole of Europe.

We would like to open cluster one with both countries as soon as possible because you have done your homework. Both countries have delivered. And we should honor your achievements. Of course, it is clear that member states have to say Yes.

But it is also also important from the psychological point of view. When I speak about the security in Europe, I mean Europe cannot be secure without stable and democratic Ukraine. As for Moldova, it has gone so far already that we are also supporting them.

So when I speak about the security, it’s something we now really need in Europe, especially because we see for the first time that there are external disruptive forces who would like to see failing not just the candidate countries but also the European Union.

You know why Putin is doing this? That’s including to claim that Europe is not attractive anymore, even to the people of Moldova. Russia was spreading the narrative, which was very dangerous, that, if Moldova would go on the European way, they would have the war, the same happening in Ukraine.

But they have proven, and we have proven, together, that Putin was wrong. His forces, his influence, all he has invested - three to four hundred million euros – this couldn’t beat us. And this is what we really should remember for. If we stand together, we really are too strong for Russia to defeat us in the hybrid war domain.

EU MEMBERSHIP WILL BE A POLITICAL ANCHOR OF SECURITY GUARANTEES

- You mentioned an interesting point that I definitely share that Ukraine being part of the European Union contributes to Europe’s security. How would you comment on the question whether Ukraine becoming an EU member would also be part of the broader security guarantees for Ukraine? Do you see it this way?

- Yes, indeed. And thank you for mentioning this. Your membership in the EU will be a political anchor of the security guarantees. What I mean is that in the years before the war in Ukraine, we had forgotten in the EU, even back in the times when my country Slovenia became a member, in 2004, that the project of the European Union is about peace, freedom, and prosperity.

I admit, when we entered the EU in 2004, we have seen our membership mostly through the economic glasses: how much money we will get, how much better we will live... But now, because of the war in your country, geopolitics have completely changed. And it has also changed with the second term of President Trump, who is, in the positive way, forcing us, Europeans, to take more responsibility for our security. I cannot imagine that Europe will be secure without Ukraine.  

I cannot imagine that Europe will be secure if we do not help you, not just in the military sense but also helping you build up strong institutions, which will be able to defend democracy, rule of law, and values.

And you are already doing this. During my visit, again and again, I see here in Ukraine that you are the biggest defenders of the European values. And that's why you have to become a member of the EU.

It is also our responsibility to enable you to do this. And this is a great responsibility for peaceful Europe. We have a competition going on between the two systems. There’s democracy, which is represented by the European Union which wants to see our candidate countries economically very stable and strong, which wants to help you build the rule of law, which wants candidate countries to protect the minorities and human rights in general, and then we have Putinism, or Russia, or some other autocratic system, who don’t want to see you strong, who do not want the neighbors or other countries to be strong democratically and economically. Why? Because if they are strong, they will have no control anymore. So, their whole idea is to suppress the countries to hinder their development.

I was in Moldova, including in Gagauzia, where last year more than 90 percent of the people voted in a pro-Russian way. So I was asking them: how much money did Russia invest in your energy independence, in your economic development? I didn't need to hear the answer because it was zero. But some of those people still believe that living in the Soviet Union was better than it is today. This is also something what we have to address. I'm not accusing those people, perhaps some of them indeed lived better before because the state took care about everything, but it is not just about the bread we eat and the air we breathe. It is also about the freedom, it’s about us being able to develop. But Russia doesn’t want to see its neighbors develop.

And we have to stress the fact that we are investing money in Moldova and in all candidate countries, including in Ukraine. So why are we doing this? I heard from some of the member states: wouldn't it be better to give this money to the poor people in the European Union? We still have some underdeveloped regions in Europe so wouldn’t it be better to allocate our taxpayers’ money there instead of giving it to Ukraine, Moldova, or the Western Balkans? But the thing is, we want to see you strong.

UKRAINE IS NOT THE ONLY COUNTRY HAVING PROBLEMS WITH FIGHTING CORRUPTION

- The issue that was high on the agenda this summer was the independence of anti-corruption bodies. The EU has been quite vocal about your position and the importance of preserving that independence. Do you feel that Kyiv has heard Brussels?

- Yes, because we have been loud. Me, especially. Yes, Kyiv has heard, but not only Brussels. I think that Kyiv has heard your people who went to the streets to protest despite the danger of bombs falling down. And I think this is part of the resilience. People really saw a danger for the development of their country if there’s corruption. We heard about the latest surveys that number one fear in Ukraine is war, and then it's corruption. So yes, the authorities have corrected the law. But there are still some steps to be done. And, of course, we have to build trust, all together.

This was a setback, I have to admit. I have gotten many calls, emails from potential investors, from the financial institutions: “Should we stop the project? or “Should we stop talking to them?”, and so on.

I said that, No. In the process of the accession, many things are happening.

So we are on your side. In this respect, anti-corruption is part of the first cluster, in Fundamentals, and it is important that we start with Fundamentals, and we close negotiations with Fundamentals. So, we will all the time look carefully into what is going on, that NABU and SAPO are independent, that the prosecutors work normally. And of course, it is not just about what is put in the law. If no action is taken against the ones who are corrupt – and we know this also from the experience of the member states – then the pattern emerges that this is acceptable. If someone else is doing this, why shouldn’t I do it?

- So the law has to be enforced.

- Yes, that’s why it is so important. But it’s not easy. And you’re not the only country having problems with fighting corruption.

IN THE NEXT SEVEN-YEAR BUDGET, 100 BILLION EUROS IS SLATED FOR FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE TO UKRAINE

- What other areas of our legislation, from your point of view and expertise, need most work to be done on?

- I’d focus now on cluster one for now. We have mentioned some things already. So, it is the rule of law, on which we have a special roadmap. It is also building up the democratic institutions, and public administration reform. It is important because you must have capable and effective administration, which will be able first to introduce the legislation and then implement it. Of course, I could add protecting the minorities, and you have already done some things in this regard. And also, a very important part is ensuring that media work independently and freely.

- Speaking of enlargement in the broader sense, the next MFF, although it’s still far away, some questions are already interesting to clarify. The 43 billion euros slated for enlargement purposes in the seven-year budget – is that enough for the EU? And also, how much money is expected to be allocated for Ukraine in this regard?

- You know the numbers well. Yes, this money is enough. This is for the enlargement process but Ukraine’s money is in a different basket. We counted well, and we already have in mind that perhaps two countries could finish within the next MFF their negotiations and become a member of the EU. It's Montenegro with its  600,000 population, which is not too big, and also Albania. So we will be ready for this. As for Ukraine, it’s what we call “above the ceiling”, so it's special money booked, as it is said in the financial language. It’s EUR 100 billion just for Ukraine, and we hope that the European Parliament and the European Council will adopt our offer, and this will enable us to support your country really strongly in the next budget.

NO OTHER COUNTRY HAS FINISHED LEGISLATION SCREENING AS FAST AS UKRAINE

- I'm not sure if you can say anything more besides what you have already said about the alternative track of moving forward with the technicalities of the accession negotiations, but perhaps you can reveal any details on how potentially we could proceed with the Costa Plan? Maybe on Wednesday it will be on the table of the EU leaders meeting in Copenhagen?

- No, I wouldn’t speak about the details, especially because of the important meeting you mentioned. But there’s one very important thing I’d like to note. It is not true that the accession process is stopped. Not at all on the technical part, and I'm happy that you stress that in your question. Ukraine and the EU are delivering as never before. As you know, Ukraine has finished the legislation screening process in the record time. No other candidate country has done this.

And Ukraine is also pushing us. My team of around 1,000 people horizontally in Brussels are working just on Ukraine, so we also had to invest more manpower to be able to work with you from technical point of view. We have done a lot. And we can do a lot. We will see what the decision will be tomorrow. We could go on, perhaps, in the working group, and then we would need a green light from the Council. But the message I would like to convey is the reforms that have to be done can be done or be in the making regardless of what the decision in the Council is. The more reform we do now, the less it will remain to be done once we open cluster by cluster. So I'm really happy you ask this question.

From the technical point of view, we are really running fast in this accession process. But it is not only the technical part. It is also a political decision, and this is important. Unanimity-based decision-making process is very much important because we are forced to find a compromise.

The European Union has been in the past able to find solutions to the most impossible problems, and I'm sure that very soon we will solve the problem with Hungary and Ukraine and going to open fast the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth cluster.

- So, to paraphrase it, if you want to have a dish ready at a restaurant table you have to have people working tirelessly in the kitchen while you might not see it happening.

- I like this comparison a lot. Yes, indeed, usually we only see the dish when it comes to the table, but how much work did it require to make it? You need a chef, you need someone to go to the market to buy all the ingredients, and so on. Thank you for this comparison, it is a lot about the preparation work. And this is what can be done.

For instance, I was talking about road maps and the action plan… You don’t need to wait for Hungary to do the reforms. We are ready to accompany you in doing the reforms today, tomorrow, and until the end.

- So your message is: “Do the cooking”, right?

- Yes, please. And do a good dish because we would like to see the end result, which will be the membership of Ukraine in the European Union.

Ievgen Matiushenko, Lviv

Photo: Anastasiia Smolienko